Nkrumah was the motivating force behind the movement for independence of Ghana, then British West Africa, and its first president when it became independent in 1957. His numerous writings address Africa's political destiny. The following discusses his objectives for Africa and issues for the organization of government there.
We have seen, in the example of the United States how the dynamic elements
within society understood the need for unity and fought their bitter civil war
to maintain the political union that was threatened by the reactionary forces.
We have also seen, in the example of the Soviet Union, how the forging of
continental unity along with the retention of national sovereignty by the
federal states, has achieved a dynamism that has lifted a most backward society
into a most powerful unit within a remarkably short space of time. From the
examples before us, in Europe and the United States of America, it is therefore
patent that we in Africa have the resources, present and potential, for creating
the kind of society that we are anxious to build. It is calculated that by the
end of this century the population of Africa will probably exceed five hundred
millions.
Our continent gives us the second largest land stretch in the world. The natural
wealth of Africa is estimated to be greater than that of almost any other
continent in the world. To draw the most from our existing and potential means
for the achievement of abundance and a fine social order, we need to unify our
efforts, our resources, our skills and intentions. . .
At present most of the independent African states are moving in directions which
expose us to the dangers of imperialism and neocolonialism. We therefore need a
common political basis for the integration of our policies in economic planning,
defense, foreign and diplomatic relations. That basis for political action need
not infringe the essential sovereignty of the separate African states. These
states would continue to exercise independent authority, except in the fields
defined and reserved for common action in the interests of the security and
orderly development of the whole continent.
In my view, therefore, a united Africa – that is, the political and economic
unification of the African Continent – should seek three objectives.
Firstly, we should have an over-all economic planning on a continental basis.
This would increase the industrial and economic power of Africa. So long as we
remain balkanized, regionally or territorially, we shall be at the mercy of
colonialism and imperialism. The lesson of the South American Republics vis-à-vis
the strength and solidarity of the United States of America is there for all to
see. . .
Secondly, we should aim at the establishment of a unified military and defense
strategy. I do not see much virtue or wisdom in our separate efforts to build up
or maintain vast military forces for self-defense which, in any case, would be
ineffective in any major attack upon our separate states. If we examine this
problem realistically, we should be able to ask ourselves this pertinent
question: which single state in Africa today can protect its sovereignty against
an imperialist aggressor?
. . .The third objective which we should have in Africa stems from the first two
which I have just described . . . a unified foreign policy and diplomacy to give
political direction to our joint efforts for the protection and economic
development of our continent . . . The desirability of a common foreign policy
which will enable us to speak with one voice in the councils of the world, is so
obvious, vital and imperative that comment is hardly necessary.
I am confident that it should be possible to devise a constitutional structure
applicable to our special conditions in Africa and not necessarily framed in
terms of the existing constitutions of Europe, America or elsewhere, which will
enable us to secure the objectives I have defined and yet preserve to some
extent the sovereignty of each state within a Union of African states.
We might erect for the time being a constitutional form that could start with
those states willing to create a nucleus, and leave the door open for the
attachment of others as they desire to join or reach the freedom which would
allow them to do so. The form could be made amenable to adjustment and amendment
at any time the consensus of opinion is for it. It may be that concrete
expression can be given to our present ideas within a continental parliament
that would provide a lower and an upper house, the one to permit the discussion
of the many problems facing Africa by a representation based on population; the
other, ensuring the equality of the associated states, regardless of size and
population, by a similar, limited representation from each of them, to formulate
a common policy in all matters affecting the security, defense and development
of Africa. It might, through a committee selected for the purpose, examine
likely solutions to the problems of union and draft a more conclusive form of
constitution that will be acceptable to all the independent states.
The survival of free Africa, the extending independence of this continent, and
the development towards that bright future on which our hopes and endeavors are
pinned, depend upon political unity.
Under a major political union of Africa there could emerge a United Africa,
great and powerful, in which the territorial boudoirs which are the relics of
colonialism will become obsolete and superfluous, working for the complete and
total mobilization of the economic planning organization under a unified
political direction. The forces that unite us are far greater than the
difficulties that divide us at present, and our goal must be the establishment
of Africa's dignity, progress and prosperity.